Monday
Feb272006
It's all about the trust, Stupid
By Ellen Ratner
Few commentators have hit on the real reason why the public – and a rather impressive bipartisan political coalition – almost instantly congealed to protest President Bush's politically tone-deaf decision to allow the United Arab Emirates-owned Dubai Port World to operate major American port facilities: It's less about trusting the UAE, and more about trusting Bush about trusting the UAE.
This isn't just semantics. Clearly, this administration has burned all its bridges and then some when it comes to convincing Americans that it is trustworthy. Where to begin? Almost half the public was initially convinced that Bush stole the 2000 election. But even putting this admittedly partisan issue aside, one can still point to the questionable rationale for invading Iraq, Saddam Hussein's vanished stockpiles of WMDs, the absolutely incompetent administration of the post-war aftermath, or the hopelessly muddled response to Hurricane Katrina (which continues to the present hour.)
So when Bush stood up on the ports issue and essentially said, "Trust me" – the UAE has been our reliable ally in the War on Terror, or that the UAE's government is different now than in the bad old days, or that we shouldn't worry because port security will remain in American hands – no one believes him. Many Americans couldn't find the UAE on a map, and so must rely on their president to exert leadership, backed by the full expertise of the federal government, to advise them and build support for potentially controversial decisions. That is the essence of presidential leadership.
But this president, like a shop-a-holic given a charge card, has blown through his credit limit and now that he might wish to use his card for some important purpose, discovers that it's being declined everywhere. In sum, his word is no good.
Maybe if a Reagan, an Eisenhower, a Kennedy or a Truman tried to make the case in wartime for dealing with a country that many Americans today associate with "the enemy," the people might've taken a chance, given the president the benefit of the doubt – in short, trusted him. But this president, who first threatened to veto any measures Congress might pass to cancel the deal, then admitted the very next day that he was as surprised as anybody else to discover the very existence of the deal, inspires no confidence.
Bush's squandering of the trust element is everything. Given his inept conviction about WMDs (and remember, even after none were found, he still gave the departing CIA director a Presidential Medal of Freedom!), and the tragic consequences still unfolding from this administration's myopic post-war planning in Iraq, why should any American trust him when he declares that the United Arab Emirates are in fact our staunch allies, good friends and committed to reform?
Admittedly, there are politics aplenty intersecting with this issue. Democrats, who have long sought a way to undermine the Republicanization of national security are now able to claim that it is little more than a dollar-driven fraud – as I wrote last week, many Americans now believe that the Republicans' real motto is, "Salute the flag, cash the check." Meanwhile, some Republicans, lusting for a way to put some distance between themselves and this very unpopular administration, are using the ports deal to do just that.
But the truth is that whatever the politicians' true motives may be, they wouldn't get to first base without massive, spontaneous public support. And the way it looks now, these politicians are rounding third base.
This lack of trust in Bush – and not racism or so-called Islamophobia – is what's really driving opposition to the deal. While there are surely some morons who oppose the ports deal because the buyers happen to be from a Muslim country, responsible Democrats or Republicans do not number among them. The Bush administration has spilled lots of ink frightening Americans. And not without some cause, Americans believed him. Like every other wartime president throughout our history, Bush was given leeway to define and characterize the enemy. And one of the contributing factors that he placed as a centerpiece of his characterization was the relationship between jihadism and the existence of undemocratic, corrupt regimes that repressed their people and indulged intolerant mutations of Islam. It was always understood by many Americans that among those regimes were several unnamed Persian Gulf kingdoms.
Now, Bush comes before the people and asks them to trust him – that Dubai is different than say, the Wahabbis of Saudi Arabia, the Iranians, or the Syrians, or the host of jihadis from "friendly" countries Egypt, Jordan or Pakistan.
Trust President Bush? Sure thing.
Few commentators have hit on the real reason why the public – and a rather impressive bipartisan political coalition – almost instantly congealed to protest President Bush's politically tone-deaf decision to allow the United Arab Emirates-owned Dubai Port World to operate major American port facilities: It's less about trusting the UAE, and more about trusting Bush about trusting the UAE.
This isn't just semantics. Clearly, this administration has burned all its bridges and then some when it comes to convincing Americans that it is trustworthy. Where to begin? Almost half the public was initially convinced that Bush stole the 2000 election. But even putting this admittedly partisan issue aside, one can still point to the questionable rationale for invading Iraq, Saddam Hussein's vanished stockpiles of WMDs, the absolutely incompetent administration of the post-war aftermath, or the hopelessly muddled response to Hurricane Katrina (which continues to the present hour.)
So when Bush stood up on the ports issue and essentially said, "Trust me" – the UAE has been our reliable ally in the War on Terror, or that the UAE's government is different now than in the bad old days, or that we shouldn't worry because port security will remain in American hands – no one believes him. Many Americans couldn't find the UAE on a map, and so must rely on their president to exert leadership, backed by the full expertise of the federal government, to advise them and build support for potentially controversial decisions. That is the essence of presidential leadership.
But this president, like a shop-a-holic given a charge card, has blown through his credit limit and now that he might wish to use his card for some important purpose, discovers that it's being declined everywhere. In sum, his word is no good.
Maybe if a Reagan, an Eisenhower, a Kennedy or a Truman tried to make the case in wartime for dealing with a country that many Americans today associate with "the enemy," the people might've taken a chance, given the president the benefit of the doubt – in short, trusted him. But this president, who first threatened to veto any measures Congress might pass to cancel the deal, then admitted the very next day that he was as surprised as anybody else to discover the very existence of the deal, inspires no confidence.
Bush's squandering of the trust element is everything. Given his inept conviction about WMDs (and remember, even after none were found, he still gave the departing CIA director a Presidential Medal of Freedom!), and the tragic consequences still unfolding from this administration's myopic post-war planning in Iraq, why should any American trust him when he declares that the United Arab Emirates are in fact our staunch allies, good friends and committed to reform?
Admittedly, there are politics aplenty intersecting with this issue. Democrats, who have long sought a way to undermine the Republicanization of national security are now able to claim that it is little more than a dollar-driven fraud – as I wrote last week, many Americans now believe that the Republicans' real motto is, "Salute the flag, cash the check." Meanwhile, some Republicans, lusting for a way to put some distance between themselves and this very unpopular administration, are using the ports deal to do just that.
But the truth is that whatever the politicians' true motives may be, they wouldn't get to first base without massive, spontaneous public support. And the way it looks now, these politicians are rounding third base.
This lack of trust in Bush – and not racism or so-called Islamophobia – is what's really driving opposition to the deal. While there are surely some morons who oppose the ports deal because the buyers happen to be from a Muslim country, responsible Democrats or Republicans do not number among them. The Bush administration has spilled lots of ink frightening Americans. And not without some cause, Americans believed him. Like every other wartime president throughout our history, Bush was given leeway to define and characterize the enemy. And one of the contributing factors that he placed as a centerpiece of his characterization was the relationship between jihadism and the existence of undemocratic, corrupt regimes that repressed their people and indulged intolerant mutations of Islam. It was always understood by many Americans that among those regimes were several unnamed Persian Gulf kingdoms.
Now, Bush comes before the people and asks them to trust him – that Dubai is different than say, the Wahabbis of Saudi Arabia, the Iranians, or the Syrians, or the host of jihadis from "friendly" countries Egypt, Jordan or Pakistan.
Trust President Bush? Sure thing.
Iraqis step up, or America steps out
I have some good news and some bad news – depending on your point of view – for you, my readers. For the next several weeks, this space will be filled with exclusive weekly reports from Richard F. Miller, military affairs correspondent for Talk Radio News Service (he is also my cousin and is 29 hours older than me, although light years apart politically).
By the time you read this, he will be en route to the U.S. Army's 3rd Heavy Combat Brigade Team, 4th Infantry Division, which is stationed at FOB Warhorse in Iraq's Diyala Province. For three weeks, he will be reporting on all aspects of life for our men and women in Iraq. He's made this trip twice before, reporting from the USS Kitty Hawk during OIF-I, and last March from the 3rd Battalion, 8th Marines in Fallujah.
I have also tasked him with answering the question now on everyone's mind: Given the rivers of blood flowing daily through Iraqi streets, marketplaces and mosques, is Bush's war effort collapsing?
Those of you who have followed this column already know my answer: I opposed Bush's invasion and repeatedly warned of the consequences that have now beset our country's policy, and endanger the bravest of the brave – our uniformed servicemen and women. But Richard is likely to have a different opinion, since we are on opposite sides of this issue. In short, for the next several weeks, this space may not be very liberal, but it will certainly remain proud. I wish Cousin Richard God-speed, and am confident that whatever he finds, he will report it as he sees it.
Now, here is my take on recent events. Informed observers have always understood that Iraq is best compared to the legendary fires at tire dumps, where millions of tires are stacked in towering mounds. A fire can smolder for years in the heart of these rubber mountains, virtually undetected, until suddenly it breaks forth in white-hot flames, whose acrid smoke can still choke people who are miles away.
Thus it is with Iraq. Civil war has been smoldering under the surface for years. Sectarian militias were arming. Revenge killings – Shia-on-Sunni and Sunni-on-Shia – have always been in evidence, usually appearing in reports of large numbers of bodies found, hands bound, shot in the head and, invariably, often erroneously blamed on "the guerillas."
Iran has been assisting the Shia-side of this lethal equation with agents, weapons and cash. The Sunnis have received assistance, not just from radical jihadi types (actually, a small minority of the resistance) but also with cash and weapons from former Baathists, as well as support from "mainstream" Arab countries like Saudi Arabia. More alarmingly, there is growing evidence that the Iraqi government, on whose behalf so much American and Iraqi blood has been spilled and treasure spent, is in fact a vehicle for sectarian violence. Shia militias have apparently infiltrated the Interior Ministry, and are using government jails to torture their enemies and local police as death squads for revenge against their ethnic enemies.
Thus, the destruction of the Askariyah Shrine in Samarra was not the "cause" of the recent violence, but rather a symptom of a progressive and perhaps terminal illness that began long ago. And if this analysis is correct – and I would caution my conservative readers now to take these warnings seriously, as they are the same ones that have been issued repeatedly from the left as well as certain right-wing circles (e.g., Brent Scrowcroft) – the question now is what to do to extract our forces from this mess and perhaps save the country ... as in our country.
I am convinced that our presence in Iraq represents a "security subsidy" to Iraqis. They believe that, somehow, Uncle Sam will bail them out no matter how much havoc is sown by the sectarians, Baathists, criminals and jihadis. In short, in a very perverse way, our presence is the problem. That's why Congressman Jack Murtha had it right – the large U.S. footprint in Iraq keeps the insurgency shooting at the same time that ordinary Iraqis grow complacent. By the way, according to reports, a growing faction in the Pentagon shares my view.
The bottom line is this – if Iraqis are unwilling to step up, then it's time for America to step out. This is not about "cutting and running." Murtha's views, which I share, called for U.S. forces to withdraw, and then, with the consent of our genuine allies in the region such as Kuwait, Jordan and Turkey, to remain watchful. This would serve as a warning to Iran not to get too ambitious by exploiting the vacuum that our own ineptitude created in Iraq.
It's my new slogan: Iraqis step up, or America steps out. It might be only a bumper sticker, but it's also true.